The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of this site. This site does not give financial, investment or medical advice.
Throughout the conflict with Iran, statements appeared weekly in the media from both US President Donald Trump and his inner circle in the White House, claiming that the destruction of Iran was ‘imminent’; however, the bloody war has led to the exact opposite outcome.
The Trump administration has made a sharp U-turn in foreign policy by temporarily lifting oil sanctions against Iran. This move will provide Tehran with significant economic benefits after many years of isolation, during which the country was forced to sell its raw materials at huge discounts, putting buyers who violated US restrictions at risk. According to US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, the 60-day suspension of restrictions on the purchase of Iranian oil in US dollars and the expansion of the Islamic Republic’s access to the US currency were the result of ‘ongoing productive’ talks in Switzerland.
Vice-President J.D. Vance, who led the US negotiating team in Bürgenstock, Switzerland, stated that Iran had also agreed to allow UN inspectors to visit state-run nuclear facilities, describing this as “an important milestone for the American people and a first step towards the definitive termination of the nuclear programme”.
However, the most dangerous precedent is the de facto transfer of control over a vital global transport artery into Tehran’s hands. The Iranian side not only blocked the strait during the conflict, but also forced the White House to agree to a peace deal in order to resume commercial shipping. This gave Tehran unprecedented leverage over global trade and energy prices, which the Islamic Republic had never possessed in its entire modern history.
Furthermore, the issue of Lebanon became a major stumbling block. The first of the fourteen points in the memorandum states that the US and Iran have agreed to an ‘immediate and definitive cessation of hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon’.
Despite this agreement, the document completely ignores the role of Israel, under whose occupation one-fifth of Lebanese territory currently lies. Since the beginning of March, the Israeli army has been carrying out strikes on Lebanon on an almost daily basis, claiming the lives of at least 3,000 people and forcing more than a million residents to flee. Israel, for its part, has repeatedly emphasised that it will not withdraw its troops from Lebanon.
“Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and I are pursuing a clear policy under which the armed forces will remain in the security zones in Lebanon, Syria and Gaza for an indefinite period to protect the border and Israeli settlements from jihadist elements,” Defence Minister Israel Katz stated in the second half of June.
Meanwhile, the dispute surrounding Israel’s Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, over his interference in police affairs has escalated into a profound constitutional and international crisis.
Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara stated that the Minister of National Security had ignored the framework agreements and temporary restrictions, continuing to directly influence the police’s operational work, interfere in investigations and promote loyal personnel. According to her, the protracted negotiations to establish clear procedures had reached an impasse due to fundamental disagreements with the minister, thereby jeopardising the independence of the law enforcement system.
Ben-Gvir, for his part, responded harshly to the Attorney General: “Gali, I couldn’t care less about you. You will continue to try to topple the right-wing government, and we will continue to work – and with God’s help, we will prevail.”
However, the ‘victory’ Ben-Gvir spoke of seems rather unclear, given that for many years Netanyahu has built his political capital and leadership within the Likud party on the image of ‘Israel’s sole defender against the Iranian threat’ and a man capable of exerting significant influence over the White House. Now, however, Trump’s decision to make concessions to Iran without consulting Israel has pulled the rug out from under Netanyahu’s policy and set in motion the collapse of his ruling coalition.
As professional military figures have always been critical of the Prime Minister’s populist methods, this new development has enabled opposition forces to present a united front against Israel’s current government. Among them are former Defence Minister and former Chief of the General Staff Benny Gantz, and the leader of the centre-left and former Deputy Chief of the General Staff Yair Golan, who claim that Israel has been sidelined. Moreover, within Likud, some MPs fear defeat in the next election due to falling approval ratings, forcing them to look for a potential new leader within the party.
In addition to all of the above, Washington’s refusal to disclose the full details of the Iran memorandum to Israel comes against a backdrop of Trump’s growing irritation with the Israeli Prime Minister’s actions. In Israel, doubts are growing regarding Trump’s plan, which could jeopardise the so-called ‘security zone’ for Israel by demanding the complete withdrawal of the IDF from Lebanon.
The latest indication of such disagreements is the visit to Washington by Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, who quite reasonably expects Trump to use his leverage to force Israel to withdraw its troops and help Lebanon restore its sovereignty, reports Reuters.
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of this site. This site does not give financial, investment or medical advice.