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By Cynthia Chung [originally published on Through A Glass Darkly]
“Anyone who doubts that this nation building and police activity has not become real and very effective right here in the United States need only visit the area around Fort Bragg to find one of these early paramilitary CIA-oriented specialist, General Tolson, sending his American soldiers out into the countryside with nation-building programs for the citizens of the United States. If such tactics continue, it is possible that an enlargement of such a program could lead to a pacification program of areas of the United States, such as the CIA and the US Army have carried out in Indochina.” – Col. Fletcher Prouty “The Secret Team” (1972). Prouty served as a liaison officer between the Pentagon and the CIA between 1955 and 1963. [This is Part II of the series “How Panama Became the SKYNET for Orwellian Totalitarianism in the Americas”. For Part I refer here.] Today there is much well-placed concern over an increasing number of migrants who are entering the United States from Central and South America. According to the latest Customs and Border Protection (CBP) statistics there have been more than 2.7 million migrants who entered the United States in 2022 and more than 2.8 million in 2023. According to The New York Times, the United States, since 2021, has been experiencing the highest number of illegal crossings since at least 1960. The question is who is responsible for this situation, and why is it happening, what is its agenda? This is the purpose of this three-part series, which will attempt to address and answer these questions. One very important factor in all of this that must be kept in mind, is that from the point of view of the vast majority of these migrants, they are not voluntarily leaving their homes and their country, but rather feel there is no other option open to them. Traveling in this manner is full of terror and many are robbed, molested, beaten and killed. Therefore we should ask ourselves first and foremost, what has occurred that has created a situation where so many want to desperately leave their homes, traveling with the vulnerable and the very young, and risk everything? In Part I of this series, Operation Condor was introduced. During the 1970s, something that had already been implemented in western Europe under Operation Gladio, and Vietnam under the Phoenix Program, began to expand upon these models of Orwellian parallel states and clandestine warfare and implemented them in South America organised under a centralised computer network that had been set up by the Americans in Panama, known as CONDORTEL (which was specifically relating to Operation Condor) and COPECOMI (as a more broad American purview), which oversaw and connected all of these parallel states in the Americas in coordination with each other, implementing hunter-killer squads modeled off of the Green Berets (Special Forces) of the Phoenix Program. Operation Condor began in the 1970s and tapered off in its level of intensity by the late 1980s but contrary to what we have been told, this was not due to the emergence of the new “democratic” states that finally allowed for the bloodshed and mayhem to end, but rather it was because at that point the parallel states had been so solidly implemented within these nations, that they operated seamlessly and could thus be kept well hidden. Thus, Operation Condor is what allowed for the formation of parallel states in South America, which relied upon the implementation of parastatal structures, as already explained in Part I of this series: “…parastatal structures as the forces and infrastructure of ‘black world’ special operations. This hidden part of the state…the parallel state – includes parapolice and paramilitary forces, harbored and directed by the state, with access to a vast shadow infrastructure including secret prisons, fleets of unmarked cars and unregistered aircraft, unofficial cemeteries, secure communications systems, and other parallel structures funded by ‘black budgets’. In Latin America, the parallel state augmented the lethal capabilities of the military dictatorships while allowing them to retain the appearance of legality and a certain legitimacy. Parastatal structures permitted the militaries to avoid international law and human rights guarantees, prevent public scrutiny, expand the powers of the state over society, and give up the militaries free rein to utilize extreme and lawless methods against ‘subversion.’ The parastatal forces created by the counterinsurgents included the clandestine groups, secret intelligence organizations, ‘task forces,’ and civilian informant networks acting covertly on behalf of the state.”[1] This entire network of parallel states in the Americas was organised and received its direction from a central node in Panama using the computerised systems of CONDORTEL/COPECOMI and served as the training grounds for the death squads modelled off of the Green Berets in the infamous Vietnam Phoenix Program. All of this activity in Panama and the broader Americas was being conducted under the direction of the CIA and US Army and certain members of the US Government [Kissinger’s central role in Operation Condor will be discussed in Part III of this series]. Thus, the situation today should clearly be regarded with this in mind. Operation Condor and CONDORTEL/COPECOMI had set up a sophisticated and highly precise structure of control throughout the entire Americas that is still in operation today. This includes border control under a centralised computer system under the management of the CIA and US Army. Thus, contrary to what we are being told, the migrant crisis is anything but natural, and it is anything but out of the US military’s “control.” Since Operation Condor was modelled off of the Green Beret Phoenix Program, which was based off of a new form of warfare called counterinsurgency and was to revolutionise and forever change how all warfare would be fought in this new era of combat, it is important we understand what this in fact was and how it managed to take-over and entirely replace the traditional operations, service and philosophy of the US military that had existed up until this revolutionary point in time. This is especially relevant, since Vietnam would be the first American laboratory to create an artificial migrant crisis that stoked the fires of the Vietnam War and justified the entry of the US military…Secret Armies, Forgotten Betrayals and Global Tyranny
Contrary to what we are led to believe today, the Green Berets were not a Kennedy Administration creation but in fact were a creation of WWII meant to mirror the British Special Forces, Special Air Service (SAS) founded in 1941 and reconstituted as a corps in 1950. The unit, which is still active today, specialises in a number of roles including counter-terrorism, hostage rescue, direct action and special reconnaissance. Much of the information about the SAS is highly classified, and the unit is not commented on by either the British government or the Ministry of Defence due to the secrecy and sensitivity of its operations.

The Take-Over of the US Military by an Enemy Within
It was of all people Bobby Kennedy who had popularised the term the ‘enemy within,’ the phrase having only been used previously in a 1918 Australian silent film by the same name. Since the death of JFK, its meaning has come to encompass a great deal more as to what acts as the “enemy within” the United States. As already mentioned in Part I of this series, the ideology and form of this “enemy within” will be discussed in greater detail in Part III of this series. In this paper, the focus will be on how the US military in particular was taken-over by this “enemy within” to which Prouty called the “secret team.” Prouty writes in his “The Secret Team”: “It is essential that the term ‘military’ be clarified for use throughout this book. Many military men are regularly assigned to the CIA, in their primary roles as intelligence experts, for their own experience and training and to flesh out areas where the Agency can use them. These are legitimate military assignments, and such men are openly identified with the CIA. There is another group of military men who are fully assigned to the Agency, meaning their pay and allowances are reimbursed to the parent service by the CIA, but they appear to be with regular military units or other normal assignments so that their assignment to the CIA will not be revealed to those unwitting of their real task.”[7] This latter situation had become more and more prevalent during Kennedy’s administration, unbeknownst to him as well as to the military – that an increasing number of military men and units were acting under the assignment of the CIA and were receiving their instructions from the CIA without any other department’s knowledge. By the time Kennedy entered office, many positions within the government itself were being held by CIA agents under the guise of a government title. Thus, silently and swiftly, Dulles was organising a take-over of US government and military under the service of the CIA and the “Secret Team.” The Bay of Pigs fiasco again plays a central role in all of this. The Bay of Pigs was meant to go one way, and it was thought Kennedy would have allowed himself, in order to save face from the Bay of Pigs embarrassment, to be strong-armed by CIA Deputy Director of Plans Richard Bissell, Joint Chiefs Chairman Lyman Lemnitzer, and Navy Admiral Burke and approve a direct military attack on Cuba. The removal of Fidel Castro was a top priority of the Secret Team. However, the young Kennedy surprisingly did not buckle under this immense pressure, only a few months into his presidency and held his ground. However, Allen Dulles would see another opportunity in Kennedy’s Cuban Study Group, organised to investigate what led to the failure and oversight of the Bay of Pigs fiasco. Bobby Kennedy was the only member of this inquiry that JFK could trust fully. Since it was clear that Dulles himself, along with Bissell and Lemnitzer (who would later also audaciously propose Operation Northwoods to Kennedy a false-flag operation against the American people and even military personnel in order to blame it on Castro and give reason for a direct invasion of Cuba) had lost all trust from Kennedy – Dulles would use the Cuban Study Group to attempt to place a good deal of the blame on the US military and portray Maxwell Taylor as a solution to that problem, according to Prouty. Maxwell Taylor was also selected to participate in this Cuban Study Group, seen by Kennedy as likely a military man who, having resigned during the Eisenhower administration, would be a pair of unbiased eyes to the Bay of Pigs incident. Prouty makes the convincing case that Taylor had been brought back into the White House, unbeknownst to Kennedy through CIA corridors. Taylor also wanted to see massive reform take place within the US military, however, he was no longer beholden to the US military but rather shared the same vision as Allen Dulles. Prouty writes: “Allen Dulles was able to get Maxwell Taylor into the White House as personal military adviser to President Kennedy. There was much public discussion about the propriety of placing a general in such a capacity in the White House, ostensibly overseeing and perhaps second-guessing the lawful chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.”[8] Kennedy put his faith so much in the belief that Maxwell Taylor was in fact on the same page as him in keeping the US military under control that he placed him as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS). Taylor had replaced Lemnitzer which did not change anything since both men ultimately approved of Gladio operations except that Taylor might have been even more radical than Lemnitzer in his vision. Lemnitzer went on to be almost immediately appointed by NATO as Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) of NATO in November 1962 in charge of NATO’s secret armies in Europe. And McGeorge Bundy, another CIA asset, was to replace Taylor’s position in the White House. No matter how Kennedy tried to replace the pieces on the chessboard, he found he was only replacing one piece for another that served the same master. Prouty writes: “…General Taylor…was by that time the chief proponent of counterinsurgency, the Army’s Green Berets, and the CIA. In a most fortuitous assignment for the CIA and the ST [Secret Team], he became the chairman of the JCS, and all of the pieces fell into place. With McGeorge Bundy in Taylor’s old job in the White House, responsible for all clandestine activity; with Bill Bundy as the principle conduit from the CIA to McNamara (later in State), and with Taylor on top of the military establishment, the ST had emerged from its nadir on the beaches of Cuba and was ready for whatever develop in Vietnam. …One further factor played into this situation. It is quite apparent that Kennedy did not fully realize the situation he had unintentionally created. To him and his brother [Bobby], Maxwell Taylor was the model of the down-to-earth soldier…He was their man. They did not realize that even in his recent book, The Uncertain Trumpet, he had turned his back on the conventional military doctrine and had become a leader of the new military force of response, of reaction and of undercover activity – all summed up in the newly coined word ‘counterinsurgency.’ Kennedy was not getting an old soldier in the Pentagon. He was getting one of the new breed. Taylor’s tenure would mark the end of the day of the old soldier and the beginning of the Special Forces, the peacetime operator, the response-motivated counterinsurgency warrior who has been so abundantly uncovered in the conflict of the past ten years in Vietnam.”[9]The Training of America’s Gladios
One very important concept that needs to be understood in terms of how the CIA increasingly accommodated the US military to service its own purposes was the notion of clandestine operations. This parasitical growth had spawned so seemingly innocently as an outgrowth of WWII tactics and Churchill’s justified “Secret Armies” against the new evil-doers, that is, the “communists” who apparently were worse than the Nazis themselves. This new concept for the need of “clandestine operations” and the fact that this had successfully been implemented under the purview of a ever-transforming CIA, meant that increasingly foreign warfare would come under the jurisdiction of the CIA if it were deemed clandestine. One example of this was when the CIA managed to declare in 1962 that the training of the border patrol police on the India-China border was a clandestine activity, and thus because it was ‘clandestine,’ the whole job was assigned to the CIA rather than the US military. Increasingly anything that had to do with policing activity would also fall under the purview of the CIA. It was not long before the Army, Navy, and Air Force all had developed many units of Special Forces which specialised in clandestine operations – Special Air Warfare squadrons and SEAL (Sea, Air, Land) teams, and these were sent into any country that would accept them. These teams were heavily sprinkled with CIA agents, and most of their direction in the field was the operational responsibility of the CIA. In what was termed “Indochina” at the time, the CIA carried this line to an absurd degree when it continued to argue that operations within Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam were “clandestine” despite everyone in those countries knowing very well that the United States was conducting warfare in these zones, quite openly. Thus, clandestine increasingly meant not secret from the countries where such activity was being conducted, not even clandestine in the sense that leaders in the Soviet Union or China were unaware, they were very aware of what was happening in Indochina – rather the term “clandestine” increasingly was used in reference to the American people and its public institutions. It would be with the American people where such things were kept as a secret, even though the rest of the entire world knew exactly what was going on because they were on the receiving end of it. Is this thus a directive that services the welfare of the American people and the security of their country? Not at all. As already mentioned, these soldiers do not serve the American people. Prouty writes in “The Secret Team”: “This is why so many messages that have been made public in the Pentagon Papers appear to be part of Pentagon, or more specifically, JCS activity, when in reality this traffic was between Saigon and the Agency [CIA], with the information copy being delivered to the Special Assistant for Counterinsurgency and Special Activities (SACSA). This section in the office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff was manned, for the most part, by military personnel. They did have some normal military functions but most of their work was involved with the support of the CIA. In this capacity they would control communications coming to the Joint Staff and int turn coordinate them with counterpart CIA-support offices in the office of the Secretary of Defense, or to a Focal Point office in each of the military services. During the period described, the OSD [Office of Secretary of Defense] offices were those of Bill Bundy, General Lansdale [CIA men]… in such places as the Directorate of Research and Engineering. To anyone not knowing this process, it would then appear that the Saigon message in question would have been properly staffed to the OSD, JCS, and all services, when in reality it had simply been to all of the CIA control points in those offices. The real military would not have seen it. …Emboldened by knowledge of the fact that they had properly touched base with all parties and offices concerned, the ST [Secret Team] would then go ahead with the project, on the assumption that no one had said not to go ahead with it after having been advised.” The Military Assistance Program (MAP) along with the Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) would play a prominent role in facilitating counterinsurgency globally under the pretext of “aid” and played a prominent role in facilitating Operation Condor. Such US army programs were started under the pretext to help “aid Asia” in resisting internal subversion. Prouty writes: “…The important thing about the Military Assistance Program is that it brought with it some new definitions of the role and responsibility of the armed forces of the nation…these earlier doctrines became part of the ‘military language’ for both countries involved – the United States and the host country – they began to produce subtle changes in the role of the US military. This led to a very sophisticated form for direct intervention in the internal affairs of the forty host countries, and in some cases, it resulted directly in the separation of that nation’s armed forces from its political control… In this sense the elaborate statements of mission of the mutual security programs are a refined cover story. The military assistance program becomes the means by which the ST [Secret Team] army, whenever it finds or suspects ‘communist-inspired subversive insurgency,’ increase its role in the armed forces and political organizations of the host country until the trouble becomes an outbreak of open hostility. Thus the ‘fireman’ becomes the man who sets fires rather than the one who puts them out. [author’s note: Prouty’s reference to “fireman” is from Ray Bradbury’s dystopic novel “Fahrenheit 451” an Orwellian fictional future where the “firemen” burn books] One source of this doctrine was the Civil Affairs School at Fort Gordon, Georgia. This Army school dates back to World War II, when it was the training ground for the Civil Affairs and Military Government (CAMG) program. It was the function of those specially trained men to go into countries like Italy and France, which had been under German military domination for several years, and to assist with the rebuilding of the local government in the war-torn areas. As a result, these men had been trained in political functions more than in the military tactical profession. Their record in World War II was outstanding, and after the war the school, although cut back as was most of the military, continued, prospered, and found a new life in working up a curriculum based upon the post-strike phase of a nuclear war. It was in this phase of work that the CAMG school and its doctrine played so prominently into the hands of the CIA by underscoring the potential of the Agency during peacetime for establishing contacts with the agent, underground networks that would be established. This led the CIA into the war planning function of all major military headquarters, and from its success with this, into its logistics buildup. It was not unusual, then, to find the CIA returning to the Civil Affairs School during another trying period in an effort to breathe new life into Agency [CIA] operations, which had been seriously curtailed after the Indonesian fiasco of 1958. MAP was an ideal place for the Agency to operate. As we have said, the CIA had by 1959 become well entrenched in all parts of the US Government. Through MAP, the Agency [CIA] now was able to establish itself quietly in up to forty foreign countries in ways that its usual civilian and diplomatic cover would not permit. All assistance programs needed recruiting and the CIA volunteered to take over the task of helping the services with recruiting in the host country. …The Civil Affairs School curriculum, which was to provide background information on the Military Assistance Program, began with an elaborate summary of a course called ‘Communist Techniques of Aggression.’ It laid the ground work for reflexive anti-Communism by telling all students that ‘local Communists gradually took over [these countries] under the threat of the military domination of the Red Army at their border,’ and went on to tell them ‘how important a tool military power is for shaping men’s minds in conditions of conflict short of open warfare’.”[10] Thus, this curriculum was not only servicing as an indoctrination of American military and civilian personnel but was spreading this indoctrination with a focus on their forty-host countries. It was effectively establishing an empire of this Gladio ideology and was taking hold of all levels of control and influence within these forty host countries under the term “nation building.” And as we will see, increasingly all matters of statehood: education, healthcare, politics, economics and so forth were seen as under the purview of the US Army in these host countries, who in turn was under the purview of the CIA and the Secret Team. Note, these forty host countries are supposed to be “allies” to the United States and were the first to be overthrown from within. Prouty writes: “One area with which American servicemen had been…[relatively] unfamiliar [with up until this point] was what is called the paramilitary organization. A course in such organization has become very formative in the indoctrination of a new generation of military and their civilian counterparts, along with the tens of thousands of foreign military and civilians trained in MAP projects. The following is an official US Army definition of paramilitary forces as extracted from a standard lesson guide. ‘ …In the beginning these lessons were used to train forces to go out and work with the native forces of other countries, and in many of these other countries the US Army role was submerged and covered in the CIA mechanism. The CIA, rather than train the legitimate army of a host country, would train the paramilitary force to create a structure within the country that could balance the army or even overthrow it. In many cases the CIA would work with the national police rather than with the paramilitary forces. The results were the same. The thinking as stated by the US Army in this doctrine was that with US guidance and help, the politico-military actions of the [host] armed forces can be decisive in building strong, free nations, with governments responsive to, and representative of, the people.’ …Even as far back as the mid-fifties the US Army doctrine, had a strong overtone of CIA assistance and was preaching ‘pacification.’ Pacification, as it is carried on in South Vietnam, can be shown to date back to the Fort Gordon course, where it was taught that ‘the operational doctrine for the take-over of zones evacuated by [rebels] was known as Pacification.’ …This was the US Army lesson guide of 1959-1960 about minor operations in 1955, which by now has been proved to have been so terribly wrong. Remember, this was the doctrine the school was teaching key people who eventually become the MAAG officials in forty foreign countries. This was also the basic doctrine used to rejuvenate the long dormant US Army Special Forces program. As it continued, it wandered far from tis original theme of Communist cold war techniques to talk more about American activity and specifically the type of activity that was most unconventional for the American Army, the use of civilians, foreign nationals, and foreign military in US sponsored, third-country projects that were essentially clandestine, as extracted from US Army lesson guides. [from US Army’s New Doctrine with very striking Orwellian overtones:] ‘During the pacification campaigns, the Vietnamese army learned to work closely with two notable civilian organizations, which are worth mentioning here as an indication of teamwork employed to bring stability to a free nation. The organizations were “Operation Brotherhood,” involving the International Jaycees, and the Vietnamese Government’s “Civic Action” teams. These two organizations of volunteers brought high morals and ideal, unselfish spirit to the campaigns… “Operation Brotherhood” was originally staffed by Filipino volunteers.’ Looking at this with the hindsight of ten to fifteen years of bitter experience in Vietnam, one wonders at the real meaning and intent of such subject matter. As the lesson continues it states that the same Filipino’s Operation Brotherhood was operating in Laos, then it discusses similar projects in Burma. Before leaving the subject of pacification, this Army lesson guide quotes a French officer in Algiers: ‘The pacification authority cannot be the old one, for the mayors and civilian councillors and some French Moslems, preoccupied with their own interests, are regarded with suspicion by the vast majority of Moslems.’ [note: pacification is a military term that is very misleading since it is made to sound peaceful when in fact it is referring to the removal of all resistance and opposition to whatever be the mission, this includes the eradication of whole villages and was implemented in South Vietnam liberally.] The conclusion was that the army must throw out the old regime, the old ways, the old customs, and come up with new villages, new pioneer spirit…In other words, the local army was the new order, and the US Army was being indoctrinated and trained by CIA instructors to do the same thing. …Before this indoctrination concluded, it made the key point that MAP ‘straddles the areas of responsibility of the Department of State and of the DOD [Department of Defense]…The development of the MAP involves many agencies.’ This…doctrinal lesson guide was the work of key men dedicated to the reconstruction of the US Army along lines being visualized by General Maxwell Taylor in his book, The Uncertain Trumpet…outlining his thoughts in terms of what he called ‘A New National Military Program of Flexible Response,’ a team of strong-willed and opportunistic men was plowing up new ground for the US Army. This was to nurture the seeds planted by the army and the CIA along with powerful assistance from the other services and such other places as the Executive Office Building at the White House and from the Department of State. This Civil Affairs curriculum was taken from Fort Gordon without knowledge of the intervening next higher command at the Continental Army Command headquarters at Fort Monroe, Virginia, and was brought into the Pentagon where a select team of CIA-experienced officers and civilians worked it over into the new curriculum for the US Army Special Forces school at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. At the same time, action directly related to the above-mentioned projects was taking place at the highest levels of government. A Special Presidential committee had been formed early in 1959 to study ‘Training Under the Mutual Security Program’ and to ‘provide instruction [to recipient countries] in concepts or doctrine governing the employment of the military instrument, in peace and in war.’…Early on, the committee reported, “The International Cooperation Administration has yet to recognize the potential of the MAP training base for the furtherance of technical assistance objectives.’ In other words, this committee was laying it right on the line that the Government should be stepping into the Mutual Security program with ‘military’ training, including the development of paramilitary capability in the recipient nations. The only way this could be carried out would be to mount clandestine operations in every country where this was to apply [including friendly host nations during peacetime]. By this period the CIA knew that it was ready, equipped, and in a position to do this in any ‘counterinsurgency-list’ country… The Agency did not take any chances with this vital, to the CIA interests, report…Both primary authors of this report, although recognized throughout this period only as an Army general and an Air Force general, had served for many years with the CIA and then for many more years in service assignments directly supporting the CIA. After they wrote these formative and most influential documents, both of these generals saw considerable service in Southeast Asia, all in conjunction with the CIA. By 1959 and 1960 the CIA was so well entrenched in the Government – and for that matter in the governments of the some forty recipient nations – that it could pull the strings even as far up as in Presidential committees.”[11] Prouty continues in his “The Secret Team” (1972): “More important, tens of thousands of Americans served in the MAP programs, which openly taught and practiced this doctrine. To them, this was the only military they knew, and this was the teaching they received …Recall that more than three million Americans have been rotated through Indochina during the operations there since 1954 most of these men know only the Army of this doctrine. The impact of this dogma and doctrine, and of these changes in traditional military philosophy, has been tremendous. It is beyond estimate and comprehension at this time [Prouty wrote this in 1972]. It certainly relates to a considerable degree to the problems that exist in the generation of returned veterans that had not existed before, especially with so many Special Forces Green Beret veterans in our municipal and state police forces. …’MAP can assist in the identification of officers who should be rained for key responsibilities in the civil sector.’ Since the CIA was well placed in the MAP, it frequently became the function of the Agency to select these officers ‘for duty in the civil sector.’ …’The maintenance of internal security constitute a major responsibility of these armed forces, whether assigned directly or not.’ In other words, if this role were not given to the army, it was suggested that the army would take it over. This is in conflict with the fact that most of the nations under consideration have nationwide national police forces whose traditional role is the maintenance of internal security. Naturally, this philosophy led to many outbreaks in these recipient countries. The MAP-trained army began to take over the internal security role and got into trouble with the national police and with those national leaders responsible for the national police. This situation brought about friction, which frequently broke out as civil war, and of course there was nothing to do but to declare that the national police were the forces of subversive insurgency; thus the head of Communism was reared. Once these labels had been affixed, the United States would join the army’s side with the banner of anti-Communism flying. The writers of this document saw this in offing, since they noted, ‘There must be comprehension of the complex nature of the subversive forces at play and of the variegated methods of Communist attack.’ It is almost as though the training of firemen should dwell more on the setting of fires rather than on extinguishing them. The report goes on to say: ‘Here is the ultimate test of armed forces. Their role, in the countries under discussion, is unique. They are at once the guardians of the government and the guarantors that the government keeps faith with the aspirations of the nation. It is in their power to insure that the conduct of government is responsive to the people and that the people are responsive to the obligations of citizenship. In the discharge of these responsibilities, they must be prepared to assume the reins of government themselves. In either capacity – pillar or ruling faction – the officer crops, at least, must possess knowledge and aptitudes far beyond the military sphere’.”[12] The day-old South Vietnam government of Ngo Dinh Diem was a primary example of such tactics discussed above. Ngo Dinh Diem was a selection and creation of the CIA and his ‘father of his country’ image was created by the CIA – more specifically, Edward G. Lansdale. It was the CIA that created Diem’s first elite bodyguard to keep him alive in those early and precarious days. It was the CIA that created the Special Forces of Vietnamese troops, which were under the tight control of Ngo Dinh Nhu, and it was the CIA that created and directed the tens of thousands of paramilitary forces of all kinds in South Vietnam during those difficult years of the Diem regime. And all of this was under the operational control of the CIA. Prouty concludes: “Under the cover of the Bay of Pigs operation, much bigger moves were being made. All over the world the MAP training program was picking up volume and momentum. Thousands of foreigners from all forty countries converged upon the United States for training and indoctrination. The new curriculum was either the one at Fort Bragg or like it. The Army interest in political-social-economic programs, under the general concept of ‘nation-building,’ was gaining momentum. For every class of foreigners who were trained and indoctrinated with these ideas, there were American instructors and American soldiers who were being brainwashed by the very fact that they were being trained to teach this new doctrine. These instructors did not know otherwise. To them this new nonmilitary political, social, and economic theme was the true doctrine of the US Army. A whole generation of the American Army has grown up with this and now believes that an army mixes some medical and educational ingredients into this nation building. They believe the army is the chosen instrument in nation building, whether the subject be political – social, economic or military. In many cases, due to the great emphasis the CIA placed on training the police forces of certain foreign countries, a large number of American servicemen who were used for such training became active in what was really police work and not the scope of regular military work. It was the CIA, with the help from a few other agencies, that put together the Inter-American Police Academy during the early Kennedy years, which played such an important part in empathising national police power in the nations of Latin America. The CIA brought in police instructors from all over the United States and from the military for this school. The success of this school, operating covertly from an Army base in the Canal of Panama, led to other schools in the United States that have carried on this type of work for police forces in this country. Part of the impetus behind the great buildup in the strength of police force all over the country dates back to this CIA police academy work and to the other schools it spawned. This police work not only involved training but it integrated new weapons, new procedures, and new techniques into American police work, some of which has been good and much of which has been quite ominous. Anyone who doubts that this nation building and police activity has not become real and very effective right here in the United States need only visit the area around Fort Bragg to find one of these early paramilitary CIA-oriented specialist, General Tolson, sending his American soldiers out into the countryside with nation-building programs for the citizens of the United States. If such tactics continue, it is possible that an enlargement of such a program could lead to a pacification program of areas of the United States, such as the CIA and the US Army have carried out in Indochina. At the same time this training program was under way, larger and larger civic action teams and other benevolently named organizations spread throughout the world. MAAG units were no longer small logistics and training organizations. They had grown to large size… All of this is a game…The only people these devices fool are American. American reporters, American Congressmen, American government specialists, and of course the American public.”[13] And thus an elite global army was created, made up of Gladio soldiers, created to enforce their master’s vision of what should be governing all regions of the world. These soldiers would defend and prop-up the right figureheads of these regions and train special forces militaries as the guardians of these selected figureheads. And thus began a new age that for those who shared such a vision offered a great deal of promise, it was the new era of warfare, made up of an elite guard that would operate and coordinate globally from a few nerve centers, beholden to no people, beholden to no elected officials, but who their masters have decided should be the selected World-Controllers of this New Dawn.[There will be a second installment to Part II, that will share an Orwellian story of a village in Vietnam that underwent an experiment in the laboratory of the Phoenix Program, as well as how an artificial migrant crisis was created in order to fuel the Vietnam War. Part III will follow in a few weeks time.]

Footnotes:
[1] J. Patrice McSherry. Predatory States (2005). Pg 8. [2] Ganser, Daniele. (2005). NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe. Frank Cass, pg. 43. [3] British periodical Lobster, December 1995. [4] Prouty, JFK pg 127 [5] Prouty, JFK pg 164 [6] Prouty, JFK, pg 166 [7] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg. 21 [8] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg 130 [9] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg 140 [10] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg 426 [11] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg. 430 [12] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg 436 [13] Prouty, The Secret Team, pg 473The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of this site. This site does not give financial, investment or medical advice.


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