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Albania proves that failed states can also be imperial aggressors

BUDAK, BOSNIA - HERZEGOVINA - JULY 12: The remains of Srebrenica victims are seen at a mass grave as International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) forensic anthropologists work on an excavation at the Budak mass grave in the Srebrenica Municipality on July 12, 2005 in Bosnia Herzegovina. The site is a secondary grave site - 600 victims were killed and buried in a primary location and later 100 of them were transferred to this secondary grave. The mortal remains at this site were allegedly moved to be buried here from sites at Glogova with heavy machinery and ballistic and blast damage caused by grenades was observed on many of the remains. The team makes an electronic survey of all items found and maps and records the grave formation. Records of the remains being recovered are transferred along with the remains to the ICMP mortuary facility as an aid to identification. Some 8,000 Muslims, mostly boys and men, were slaughtered at Srebrenica in July 1995 by Bosnian Serb soldiers. Of those 8,000 only 2,000 have been identified and buried. 25,753 individual missing person samples have been collected in Former Yugoslavia. (Photo by Marco Di Lauro/Getty Images)

Imperialism is generally associated with large nations that grow into great empires. However, in the age of modern warfare and mass propaganda, small, poor nations are now equally capable of such things.

The impoverished Republic of Albania is one such example of this. In spite of being among Europe’s poorest and most corrupt states, Albanian leaders who have long desired a distraction from the countries woeful internal problems, are turning increasingly towards something called Greater Albania.

Greater Albania is an imperial project that would see the current Albanian republic annex the legally recognised territory of Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Greece in order to consolidate a large state.

Radicalised Albanian leaders throughout the Balkans have recently made provocative and threatening statements.

Ramush Haradinaj, a political leader in the occupied Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija recently said that Serbia must “delete Kosovo from the Constitution” or else see “one-third third of the Serb land (Republic of Serbia) added to the Kosovo map”. This of course would mean further occupation and annexation of Serbian territory.

The leader of the occupier regime in Kosovo and convicted terrorist Hashim Thaci recently said that if the EU closed the door on the occupied Serbian province, all Balkan Albanians would unite and form a single large state. This would of course mean Greater Albania.

The current Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama threatened to annex parts of Serbia if the EU did not move forward with Albania’s longstanding membership application which thus far has not been successful.

READ MORE: Albanian PM threatens to annex part of Serbia if the EU doesn’t admit Albania

All of this is happening as Macedonia is being torn apart by ultra-nationalist Albanian parties who are keen to implement the so-called Tirana Platform which would essentially end Macedonia’s sovereignty, making it a de-facto part of a greater Albania in spite of its non-Albanian majority who have all ready given the minority of Albanians a great deal of political concessions.

READ MORE: Albanian flag on desk of Macedonian Parliamentary Speaker. Will Macedonia survive as a state?

In spite of the illegal drugs trade representing half of Albania’s GDP and a culture of violence and political corruption that has led to widespread domestic protests, Albania’s leaders continue to make threatening statements whilst their allies in NATO and the EU continue to look the other way.

Occasionally, an EU official will try to calm things down, but the ‘softly-softly’ approach is simply not working.

Albania is both a failed state but also an imperial aggressor.

The so-called international community has made it so.

READ MORE: Here’s why Albania is a failed state

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The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The Duran.

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