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Russia grapples with the falsification of it’s pre-Revolutionary history

As Russia prepares to mark the 100 year anniversary of the October Revolution, wider questions are being asked. Here is my proposal for how to best answer them.

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Debates in Russia on protecting Russian history from public falsification have become more prominent this year, as Russia stands on the verge of the centenary of the October Revolution. The Russian Security Council recently raised the issue due to relenting western propaganda attempting to paint Russian history in an overtly negative light.

Some in the west actually discount Russia’s role in defeating fascism in the 1940s, even though without Soviet struggles against Hitler’s war machine, Germany would have gone on to rule all of Europe and much of the world.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation have also raised questions about the falsification of history, primarily history that portrays Bolshevism in a negative light. Whilst the Communists, like all parties have a political agenda they are pushing, both the Russian Security Council and the CPRF are right in raising the issue. The question remains, what can and should be done?

No one in Russia is arguing for a kind of censorship of views, in fact most prominent figures participating in the debate on ‘the problem of history’, are renouncing such draconian solutions outright.

I believe the best solution is to focus on the last 200 years of Imperial Russian history rather than focus primarily on the Soviet period.

For many, the Soviet period remains as much of a political issue as an historical one. Any look at the vigorous, historically minded, deeply democratic debates in the State Duma and one realises this is the case, in spite of the blanket western mainstream media blackout on coverage of Duma debates. This is especially true of debates between the stridently anti-Communist LDPR and the Communists themselves.

In this sense, rather than having anything approaching an ‘official version’ of Soviet history, it is best to allow the historical dialogue to be played out through real democratic debate amongst patriotic politicians and politically minded citizens.  Secondly, schools exist to teach the young what they cannot otherwise derive from their real life experiences.

No one learns about algebra from going into the words, but one can learn about making a fire, gathering water, cooking their own food and warding off pests. Likewise if boys and girls in Russia want to learn about Soviet history, they can ask their parents, grandparents, uncles and aunts, in addition to listening to political debates on the issue.

This is not true of Russian Imperial history which is deeply neglected by schools and which no living person has a direct historical memory of. Children ought to know there is a long history of a strong and proud state which existed prior to October of 1917.

This state was vast and encompassed many ethnicity. It fought many wars against aggressors and solidified, secured and policed its territory with a surprisingly small number of professional soldiers and civil servants. The 19th century in particular was a great time of renaissance for Russian music, poetry, fiction, philosophy and art.

Most young people do not even know about this because people are debating endlessly about Stalin. Stalin here, Stalin there, Stalin everywhere. Where is Pushkin? Where is Dostoevsky?  Where is Kandinsky? Where is Alexander III? Where is Tchaikovsky? Where is the war against Napoleon? Where are the Turkish wars in which Russia was ultimately victorious?

Of course, they are allowed endless debates on Stalin, but not at the expense of realising that the Russian state and Russian culture has roots which did not begin in 1917 nor end in 1945.

If children are told the roots of Russian history up through the late modern period,  they will understand why modern Russia is derided by so many in the west. Russia fought and ultimately won many wars versus Mongols, Swedes, Poles and Lithuanians, Turks and French. On the 9th of May there was a crushing victory against global fascism led by Hitler’s Germany. Is it any wonder that these are the same countries spewing anti-Russian propaganda today?

The best weapon against the wilful falsification of history is the complete unveiling of history. Let children know that history is interesting and fun, that it tells a tale of mighty struggle, victory and cultural achievement of which they can rightly be proud. Do not make it boring and tedious for them or they will end up hating their own culture if they associate it with some callous shrew of a teacher.

At the same time, let the cold hard facts speak for themselves. When children have a better understanding of the Russia which existed prior to 1917, they can decide for themselves which elements of Soviet history they want to retain and which they would prefer to drop. This is true for grown men and women as well.

To hell with what malicious outsiders say. Russian history itself is the best tool for preventing the falsification  of comparatively recent events. To hell also with politicians who think Russian history started in October of 1917, it didn’t, so they also need to learn some valuable truths from a wider history.

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Trump Has Gifted “No More Wars” Policy Position To Bernie Sanders (Video)

The Duran Quick Take: Episode 148.

Alex Christoforou

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RT CrossTalk host Peter Lavelle and The Duran’s Alex Christoforou discuss how US President Donald Tump appears to have ceded his popular 2016 ‘no more wars’ campaign message and policy position to Bernie Sanders and any other US 2020 candidate willing to grad onto a non-interventionist approach to the upcoming Democrat primaries.

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“Is Bernie Stealing Trump’s ‘No More Wars’ Issue?” by Patrick J. Buchanan…


The center of gravity of U.S. politics is shifting toward the Trump position of 2016.

“The president has said that he does not want to see this country involved in endless wars… I agree with that,” Bernie Sanders told the Fox News audience at Monday’s town hall meeting in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.

Then turning and staring straight into the camera, Bernie added:

“Mr. President, tonight you have the opportunity to do something extraordinary: Sign that resolution. Saudi Arabia should not be determining the military or foreign policy of this country.”

Sanders was talking about a War Powers Act resolution that would have ended U.S. involvement in the five-year civil war in Yemen that has created one of the great humanitarian crises of our time, with thousands of dead children amidst an epidemic of cholera and a famine.

Supported by a united Democratic Party on the Hill, and an anti-interventionist faction of the GOP led by Sens. Rand Paul and Mike Lee of Utah, the War Powers resolution had passed both houses of Congress.

But 24 hours after Sanders urged him to sign it, Trump, heeding the hawks in his Cabinet and National Security Council, vetoed S.J.Res.7, calling it a “dangerous attempt to weaken my constitutional authorities.”

With sufficient Republican votes in both houses to sustain Trump’s veto, that should be the end of the matter.

It is not: Trump may have just ceded the peace issue in 2020 to the Democrats. If Sanders emerges as the nominee, we will have an election with a Democrat running on the “no-more-wars” theme Trump touted in 2016. And Trump will be left defending the bombing of Yemeni rebels and civilians by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia.

Does Trump really want to go into 2020 as a war party president?

Does he want to go into 2020 with Democrats denouncing “Trump’s endless wars” in the Middle East? Because that is where he is headed.

In 2008, John McCain, leading hawk in the Senate, was routed by a left-wing first-term senator from Illinois, Barack Obama, who had won his nomination by defeating the more hawkish Hillary Clinton, who had voted to authorize the war in Iraq.

In 2012, the Republican nominee Mitt Romney, who was far more hawkish than Obama on Russia, lost.

Yet, in 2016, Trump ran as a different kind of Republican, an opponent of the Iraq War and an anti-interventionist who wanted to get along with Russia’s Vladimir Putin and get out of these Middle East wars.

Looking closely at the front-running candidates for the Democratic nomination of 2020 — Joe Biden, Sanders, Kamala Harris, Beto O’Rourke, Pete Buttigieg, Elizabeth Warren, Cory Booker — not one appears to be as hawkish as Trump has become.

Trump pulled us out of the nuclear deal with Iran negotiated by Secretary of State John Kerry and reimposed severe sanctions.

He declared Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist organization, to which Iran has responded by declaring U.S. Central Command a terrorist organization. Ominously, the IRGC and its trained Shiite militias in Iraq are in close proximity to U.S. troops.

Trump has recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moved the U.S. Embassy there, closed the consulate that dealt with Palestinian affairs, cut off aid to the Palestinians, recognized Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights seized from Syria in 1967, and gone silent on Bibi Netanyahu’s threat to annex Jewish settlements on the West Bank.

Sanders, however, though he stands by Israel, is supporting a two-state solution and castigating the “right-wing” Netanyahu regime.

Trump has talked of pulling all U.S. troops out of Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. Yet the troops are still there.

Though Trump came into office promising to get along with the Russians, he sent Javelin anti-tank missiles to Ukraine and announced a pullout from Ronald Reagan’s 1987 INF treaty that outlawed all land-based intermediate-range nuclear missiles.

When Putin provocatively sent 100 Russian troops to Caracas — ostensibly to repair the S-400 anti-aircraft and anti-missile system that was damaged in recent blackouts — Trump, drawing a red line, ordered the Russians to “get out.”

Biden is expected to announce next week. If the stands he takes on Russia, China, Israel and the Middle East are more hawkish than the rest of the field, he will be challenged by the left wing of his party, and by Sanders, who voted “no” on the Iraq War that Biden supported.

The center of gravity of U.S. politics is shifting toward the Trump position of 2016. And the anti-interventionist wing of the GOP is growing.

And when added to the anti-interventionist and anti-war wing of the Democratic Party on the Hill, together, they are able, as on the Yemen War Powers resolution, to produce a new bipartisan majority.

Prediction: By the primaries of 2020, foreign policy will be front and center, and the Democratic Party will have captured the “no-more-wars” political high ground that Candidate Donald Trump occupied in 2016.

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Over 200 killed, hundreds injured in series of blasts at Sri Lankan hotels & churches

A series of bombings hit churches and hotels across Sri Lanka on Easter Sunday, killing more than 200 people.

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Via RT…


A series of eight explosions rocked Catholic churches and luxury hotels in Sri Lanka as Christians began Easter Sunday celebrations, with over 200 killed and hundreds injured, media reported, citing police.

The blasts started at around 8:45am local time at St. Anthony’s Church in Colombo and St. Sebastian’s Church in Negombo, a Catholic-majority town outside of the capital. The Zion Church in Batticaloa on the eastern coast was also targeted. At around the same time, the Shangri-La, Cinnamon Grand and Kingsbury five-star hotels were also hit, police confirmed.

Two more explosions happened later in the day, targeting two more locations in Colombo. All attacks appear to have been coordinated.

At least 207 people were killed, Reuters reported, citing police. More than 450 were injured in the attacks.

Alleged footage of the aftermath, shared on social media, showed chaos and large-scale destruction inside at least one of the churches.

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Mike Pompeo reveals true motto of CIA: ‘We lied, we cheated, we stole’ (Video)

The Duran Quick Take: Episode 147.

Alex Christoforou

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The Duran’s Alex Christoforou and Editor-in-Chief Alexander Mercouris take a look at a Texas A&M University speech, and subsequent interview, with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

The former CIA Director admitted, ‘as an aside’ to the question asked, that the Intelligence agency he headed up before being appointed as the top US Diplomat had a motto “we lied, we cheated, we stole”…which, according to Pompeo, contained entire CIA training courses based on ‘lying, cheating and stealing.’

Pompeo finally speaks some truth.

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