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Did the movie "Brazil" predict today's Greece?

The similarities between the Orwellian, dystopian classic “Brazil” (1985) and the Greece of Alexis Tsipras are striking.




Following a recent cabinet reshuffle, one of the “new” faces which prime minister Alexis Tsipras introduced to his roster of ministers is one which is actually all too painfully familiar for the Greeks.
Fotis Kouvelis, often referred to mockingly as “Old Man Fotis” by ordinary Greeks, was named deputy defense minister as part of the reshuffle. Kouvelis had previously served as the leader of the “leftist” Democratic Left (DIMAR) party, which participated in the governing coalition which was established following the parliamentary elections of June 2012, alongside New Democracy and the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). This government helped usher in the painful austerity measures of the second memorandum between Greece and the “troika,” which had previously been agreed to by the highly unpopular non-elected government of European Central Bank technocrat Loucas Papademos.
DIMAR resigned from the governing coalition in June 2013 in the aftermath of the then-government’s shutdown of state broadcaster ERT, but the damage was done. DIMAR has all but disappeared from the electoral and political landscape of Greece. Apparently though, the same cannot be said of Kouvelis himself, who has now re-emerged in Tsipras’ government despite not having been elected.
Amazingly though, the classic Orwellian film “Brazil,” released in 1985, may have unwittingly “predicted” the Greece of 2018. Depicting a terrifying and dysfunctional retro-dystopian society at some unspecified point in the future, one of the film’s main protagonists was the “deputy minister” Eugene Helpmann, a man whose terrifyingly sinister side was camouflaged by his pathetic and “folksy” public stature.
As if Brazil’s director had a vision into the future, the side-by-side photo pictured above shows an incredibly eerie resemblance between deputy minister Helpmann (played by Peter Vaughan) and Fotis Kouvelis. However, is this the only resemblance?
The dystopian society depicted in “Brazil” was stiflingly bureaucratic and remarkably dysfunctional on the one hand, yet ruled by an iron fist by an unseen (but presumably “leftist”) government, of which the aforementioned “deputy minister” was the highest figure shown or even named to the audience. No one was at the controls. Yet the overbearing state was everywhere — as was the brutally efficient police force.
Is this really much different than the Greece of 2018, ruled by an “anti-austerity” government that introduced the third and most onerous memorandum agreement and set of austerity measures, which will remain in place long after Greece’s purported “exit from the memorandum” this August, and long after the expiration date of the current regime?
The Greek state is both purposely incompetent, with no shortage of horror stories of Greek bureaucracy and the Greek “justice” system, yet terrifyingly efficient. Elderly venders selling chestnuts on the street without a permit are harassed, intimidated, and arrested by the police, while even the smallest of debts to the Greek state are digitally confiscated from the bank accounts of the elderly and unemployed.
The riot police (MAT), which SYRIZA pledged to abolish in one of its many pre-election promises, remains fully operational today and has not hesitated to break apart demonstrations and to physically attack protesters, cracking the heads of elderly men who have the audacity to protest the continuous cuts to their pensions.
The state itself is overbearing and “paternal,” and in reality essentially inescapable. Establishing a business or corporation can be a nightmare. If a Greek owns a property which may have been inherited from relatives, or owns a car which may in fact have been purchased during better economic times, the system of taxation implicitly presumes “tax evasion” and levies a tax based upon an assumed income threshold which may not actually exist. Guilty even if proven innocent. For years, Greek households had to save receipts even for the smallest of expenses, in order to “prove” they were not evading taxes. Today, Greeks are encouraged to conduct all of their expenses electronically and with plastic cash, and are promised some paltry tax breaks for reaching a certain spending threshold using such methods of payment. Meanwhile, the state tracks all of your expenses, all in the name of fighting “tax evasion,” not much different to the universal surveillance state depicted in “Brazil,” created in the name of “fighting terror.”
For the privilege, Greeks enjoy one of the most stifling and regressive tax systems in Europe. Even staples such as orange juice are taxed at 24 percent. Instead of getting social services, health care and pensions one can live on, Greeks get a bigger, fatter state, rife with patronage hires (such as at the reopened state broadcaster ERT). Wealthy Greeks, however, simply move their money to offshore tax havens and are not investigated by the authorities, who are too busy harassing chestnut vendors and putting on a dog-and-pony show with the politically motivated Novartis scandal, which “coincidentally” rose to the forefront after the massive Macedonia rallies, to care.
Meanwhile, like his big screen counterpart Eugene Helpmann, Fotis Kouvelis is a pathetic public presence, one who exudes a timid aura even whilst supporting the most savage and onerous of austerity measures, such as those which his party helped prop up during their period of co-governance in 2012 and 2013. And it is this man who is now Greece’s deputy defense minister, at a time where Greece is facing unprecedented threats and provocations from Turkey, Albania, and FYROM, as well as an ongoing influx of migrants which is destabilizing Greek society and which may pose a national security threat.
While social media had a field day with Kouvelis’ political re-emergence and his appointment to this particular ministerial post (via the circulation of memes such as the one pictured on the left), the threats Greece is facing are no laughing matter, except perhaps for the clowns masquerading as the “leftist” Greek government.
It seems, therefore, that Brazil’s director Terry Gilliam may have unwittingly had an image of the future when producing Brazil back in the mid 1980s, an image which he then masterfully depicted on the big screen, a vision of the crisis-ravaged Greece of 2018.

Opinions expressed are those of the author alone and may not reflect the opinions and viewpoints of Hellenic Insider, its publisher, its editors, or its staff, writers, and contributors.

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The Mediterranean Pipeline Wars Are Heating Up

The EastMed gas pipeline is expected to start some 170 kilometers off the southern coast of Cyprus and reach Otranto on the Puglian coast of Italy via the island of Crete and the Greek mainland.

The Duran



Authored by Viktor Katona via

Things have been quite active in the Eastern Mediterranean lately, with Israel, Cyprus and Greece pushing forward for the realization of the EastMed pipeline, a new gas conduit destined to diversify Europe’s natural gas sources and find a long-term reliable market outlet for all the recent Mediterranean gas discoveries. The three sides have reached an agreement in late November (roughly a year after signing the MoU) to lay the pipeline, the estimated cost of which hovers around $7 billion (roughly the same as rival TurkStream’s construction cost). Yet behind the brave facade, it is still very early to talk about EastMed as a viable and profitable project as it faces an uphill battle with traditionally difficult Levantine geopolitics, as well as field geology.

The EastMed gas pipeline is expected to start some 170 kilometers off the southern coast of Cyprus and reach Otranto on the Puglian coast of Italy via the island of Crete and the Greek mainland. Since most of its subsea section is projected to be laid at depths of 3-3.5 kilometer, in case it is built it would become the deepest subsea gas pipeline, most probably the longest, too, with an estimated length of 1900km. The countries involved proceed from the premise that the pipeline’s throughput capacity would be 20 BCM per year (706 BCf), although previous estimates were within the 12-16 BCm per year interval. According to Yuval Steinitz, the Israeli Energy Minister, the stakeholders would need a year to iron out all the remaining administrative issues and 4-5 years to build the pipeline, meaning it could come onstream not before 2025.

The idea of EastMed was first flaunted around 2009-2010 as the first more or less substantial gas discovery in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Tamar gas field in Israel’s offshore zone, paved the way for speculations about an impending gas boom. Then came the 535 BCm (18.9 TCf) Leviathan in 2010 and the 850 BCm (30 TCf) Zohr discovery in offshore Egypt five years later and suddenly it seemed that an Eastern Mediterranean gas expansion is inevitable. Yet over the years, the operators of Leviathan have already allocated part of their total gas volumes to domestic power generating companies and most notably NEPCO, the Jordanian electric power company (1.6-2BCm per year). Egypt has been concentrating on meeting domestic needs and getting rid of LNG imports, moreover once it bounces back to gas exporter status in 2019, it will only use its own 2 LNG terminals in Damietta and Idku.

Thus, a pertinent question arises – whose gas would be used to fill the EastMed pipeline? If the pipeline starts in offshore Cyprus, then it would be logical to expect that Cyprus’ gas bounty would be somehow utilized. Yet Cyprus has been lagging behind Egypt and Israel in its offshore endeavors and so far lacks a clear-cut giant field to base its supply future on. The two discoveries appraised heretofore, the 6-8 TCf Calypso operated by ENI and the 4.5 TCf Aphrodite operated by Noble Energy, are not enough to support the construction of a relatively expensive gas pipeline – all the more so as Noble has signed a provisional deal to send Aphrodite gas to Egypt’s Idku LNG terminal, most likely by means of a subsea gas pipeline. If we are to judge the viability of the EastMed on the current situation, there is only Calypso and Israel to fill the pipeline, as Greece’s gas export plans are close to zero on the probability scale.

The subsea section from Cyprus’ offshore zone to the island of Crete lies in depths of 3km and is stretched across a seismically active zone. But there is even more – should Turkey claim rights on Cyprus’ offshore hydrocarbon deposits (in February 2018 it sent warships to scare away ENI’s drilling rig that was on its way to xxx), the project is all but dead. This is far from an implausible scenario as President Erdogan stated that Turkey would never allow for the extortion of natural resources in the East Mediterranean by means of excluding Ankara and Northern Cyprus. Cognizant of the risks inherent in an East Mediterranean gas pipeline, there has been no interest from oil and gas majors to participate in the project. This is worrying as the $7 billion are expected to be financed from private investors, of which there is a palpable dearth – despite the EU’s 35 million funding to promote what it sees as a Project of Common Interest.

Yet even for the European Union, the EastMed gas pipeline presents a bit of a headache as its commissioning would render the Southern Gas Corridor, comprising so far only of Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) with a 10 BCm per year throughput capacity, irrelevant by creating a sort-of competitor. The price of the natural gas to be supplied via the EastMed pipeline might become the biggest obstacle of them all – if the cost of producing offshore Mediterranean gas turns out to be $4-5/MMBtu as expected, the addition of further transportation costs to it all would place EastMed supplied at the bottom range of European gas supply options (Russian gas supply is alleged to be profitable with price levels as low as $4/MMbtu). All this might change if any of the East Mediterranean countries were to discover a giant gas field, altering the economics of production or possibly even liquefaction.

In fact, 2019 will witness several key wells being drilled across Cyprus, Egypt and possibly even Israel. ExxonMobil’s testing of Block 10 in offshore Cyprus would largely point to the overall attractiveness of Cyprus as an oil and gas producing country – the drilling has already started, with results expected in Q1 2019. The ENI-operated Noor offshore field in Egypt, adjacent to Zohr, is a much hotter prospect with BP buying into it lately – most likely it will outshine all the other drilling sites in the Eastern Mediterranean, however, if a big discovery is confirmed, it would be most likely used for Egyptian purposes which run counter to the EastMed gas pipeline. Thus, EastMed’s only hope is that Israel 2nd international licensing round, results to be announced in July 2019, will elicit a couple of Leviathan-like finds that would make pipeline construction profitable. Until then, the prospects are rather bleak.

By Viktor Katona for

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Turkey’s Threats against Greece

Erdogan believes that the Greek islands are occupied Turkish territory and must be reconquered.

The Duran



Authored by Debalina Ghoshal via The Gatestne Institute:

  • The one issue on which Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his opposition are in “complete agreement” is the “conviction that the Greek islands are occupied Turkish territory and must be reconquered.”
  • “So strong is this determination that the leaders of both parties have openly threatened to invade the Aegean.” – Uzay Bulut, Turkish journalist.
  • Ankara’s ongoing challenges to Greek land and sea sovereignty are additional reasons to keep it from enjoying full acceptance in Europe and the rest of the West.

In April 2017, Turkish European Affairs Minister Omer Celik claimed in an interview that the Greek Aegean island of Agathonisi (pictured) was Turkish territory. (Image source: Hans-Heinrich Hoffmann/Wikimedia Commons)

Turkey’s “persistent policy of violating international law and breaching international rules and regulations” was called out in a November 14 letter to UN Secretary General António Guterres by Polly Ioannou, the deputy permanent representative of Cyprus to the UN.

Reproving Ankara for its repeated violations of Cypriot airspace and territorial waters, Ioannou wrote of Turkey’s policy:

“[it] is a constant threat to international peace and security, has a negative impact on regional stability, jeopardises the safety of international civil aviation, creates difficulties for air traffic over Cyprus and prevents the creation of an enabling environment in which to conduct the Cyprus peace process.”

The letter followed reports in August about Turkish violations of Greek airspace over the northeastern, central and southeastern parts of the Aegean Sea, and four instances of Turkey violating aviation norms by infringing on the Athens Flight Information Region (AFIR). Similar reports emerged in June of Turkey violating Greek AFIR by conducting unauthorized flights over the southern Aegean islets of Mavra, Levitha, Kinaros and Agathonisi.

In April 2017, Turkish European Affairs Minister Omer Celik claimed in an interview that Agathonisi was Turkish territory. A day earlier, a different Turkish minister announced that Turkey “would not allow Greece to establish a status of ‘fait accompli’ in the ‘disputed’ regions in the Aegean Sea.” In December 2017, Greek Deputy Minister of Shipping Nektarios Santonirios reportedly “presented a plan to populate a number of uninhabited eastern Aegean islands to deter Turkish claims to the land.”

According to a recent statement from Greece’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs:

“Greek-Turkish disputes over the Aegean continental shelf date back to November 1973, when the Turkish Government Gazette published a decision to grant the Turkish national petroleum company permits to conduct research in the Greek continental shelf west of Greek islands in the Eastern Aegean.

“Since then, the repeated Turkish attempts to violate Greece’s sovereign rights on the continental shelf have become a serious source of friction in the two countries’ bilateral relations, even bringing them close to war (1974, 1976, 1987).”

This friction has only increased with the authoritarian rule of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, particularly since, as Uzay Bulut notes:

There is one issue on which Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its main opposition, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), are in complete agreement: The conviction that the Greek islands are occupied Turkish territory and must be reconquered. So strong is this determination that the leaders of both parties have openly threatened to invade the Aegean.

The only conflict on this issue between the two parties is in competing to prove which is more powerful and patriotic, and which possesses the courage to carry out the threat against Greece. While the CHP is accusing President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP party of enabling Greece to occupy Turkish lands, the AKP is attacking the CHP, Turkey’s founding party, for allowing Greece to take the islands through the 1924 Treaty of Lausanne, the 1932 Turkish-Italian Agreements, and the 1947 Paris Treaty, which recognized the islands of the Aegean as Greek territory.

This has been Turkish policy despite the fact that both Greece and Turkey have been members of NATO since 1952. Greece became a member of the European Union in 1981 — a status that Turkey has spent decades failing to achieve, mainly due to its human-rights violations.

Recently, EU and Turkish officials met in Brussels on November 30 to discuss an intelligence-sharing agreement between the European Police Service (Europol) and Ankara. Such an agreement is reportedly one of 72 requirements that Ankara would have to meet in order to receive visa-free travel to the Schengen zone.

Ankara’s ongoing challenges to Greek land and sea sovereignty are additional reasons to keep it from enjoying full acceptance in Europe and the rest of the West.

Debalina Ghoshal, an independent consultant specializing in nuclear and missile issues, is based in India.

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Paranoid Turkey Claims “Greece, Israel, & Egypt Are Part Of Khashoggi’s Murder Plot”

A new Turkish narrative has been launched claiming that Greece, Israel and Egypt are part of the murder plot of Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi.



Via Zerohedge

As we noted previouslythe conflict over gas in the eastern Mediterranean is intensifying.

The dispute concerns gas blocks, with Turkey furious about the energy cooperation of these Greece, Cyprus, and Egypt in the East Mediterranean Sea. While Turkish warships have been active, it appears Turkey is taking a new approach to this hybrid war.

As reports,a new Turkish narrative, based on paranoia and conspiracy theories, has been launched claiming that Greece, Israel and Egypt are part of the murder plot of Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggipresumably in an effort to garner global opinion against their energy-hording neighbors.

This unbelievable allegation has been claimed by Erdogan’s close aide Yigit Bulut, who is famous for his delirium and ravings, during an appearance on state television of Turkey.

“Greece, Israel and Egypt are part of murder plot involving slain Saudi Arabia journalist Khashoggi in Istanbul,” Yigit Bulut said in TRT Television, where he is a frequent guest.

Enlisting the ‘good old traditional perception’ that Turkey is surrounded by enemies, KeepTalkingGreece notesthat Bulut said:

“a belt extending from Europe to Israel has always harbored hostility towards Turkey they never wanted Turks in this region. Europe even made Turks to fight unnecessary wars against Russia.”

It is worth noting that Russia and Turkey have come closer recently due to Syria, a cooperation sealed with armament sales to Ankara triggering the anger of US and the NATO of which Turkey is a member.

Bulut vowed that Turkey will continue oil and gas exploration in the East Mediterranean off-shore Cyprus.

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